隱公 Duke Yin
Yin is his posthumous name (this was certainly added afterwards). He reigned eleven years, from 722 to 712 BC
Zuozhuan
1.0 惠 公 元 妃 孟 子 ． 孟 子 卒 ． 繼 室 以 聲子 ． 生 隱 公 ． 宋 武 公 生 仲 子 ． 仲 子 生 而 有 文 在 其 手 ． 曰 為 魯 夫 人 ．故 仲 子 歸 于 我 ． 生 桓 公 而 惠 公 薨 ． 是 以 隱 公 立 而 奉 之 ．
The first spouse of duke Hui was Lady Mengzi. After she died, she was succeeded, in the palace, by Lady Shengzi, who gave birth to duke Yin. Duke Wu of Song had a daughter, princess Zhongzi. At birth, she had a mark in her hand, which foretold she would be a Lady of Lu. Therefore, princess Zhongzi was sent to marry our Lord. Just after she gave birth to duke Huan, duke Hui died. Therefore, Duke Yin was enthroned and acted as a regent.
Duke Hui of Lu is said (Shiji, chapter fourteen) to have reigned from 768 BC to 723 BC, his given name was Fusheng (弗 湦 or 弗 生) or Fuhuang (弗 皇). The Zuozhuan considers that Lady Shengzi was a low rank concubine. As such, the lord of Lu could not take her as his first spouse. This is why the expression Jishi (succeeded in the palace) is used here, indicating that the duke did not remarry with her, but later, with lady Zhongzi. As such, duke Yin was not the crown prince, and acted as a regent while the crown prince, the son of Lady Zhongzi (the new first spouse), was an infant. This interpretation, which is carried over in the Shiji, is not directly confirmed by the Annals. The main justification for it seems to be the fact that the accession of duke Yin to the throne is not recorded. Yet, this is the case of four of the five first princes of Lu (after that accessions are always mentioned). One might therefore wonder, as this pertains to event happening some 300 years before the Zuozhuan was written, whether this is a historical fact, or whether it was added later, for the sake of the moral commentary. This tendency to over interpretation is quite common in the commentaries of the Annals (even more so in the two later, the Gongyang and Guliang).
Annals
1.1 元年 春，王正月。First year. In spring, in the first month of the royal calendar.
Almost all years in the Annals record the four seasons (spring, summer, autumn and winter). Seasons correspond to quarters of the year, spring is the three first months (January to March before 650 BC, December to February after), summer the three next ones, etc… winter includes the three last month, and the leap month when applicable. Apparently, these records of seasons were mandatory. When no event happen, the season and the month are still recorded. Hence we see “in spring, in the first month” appear alone (with no event referenced) 24 times. “in summer in the fourth month” 11 times, “in autumn in the seventh month” 17 times and “in winter in the tenth month” 11 times. The royal calendar mentioned here is the calendar of the Zhou kings. Until 650 BC, the year apparently began on the first new moon after the winter solstice (which fell around December 27 in that era), observing what is traditionally called the Shang Calendar. After 650BC, it begins one month earlier, ie just before the solstice. This is known as the Zhou calendar. Although states, like Lu, did follow a similar calendar as the Zhou kings, small differences could appear in the beginning of months (ancient chinese calendars traditionally used alternating months of 29 and 30 days, which implied empirical corrections to be made from time to time, which were not made at the same time in every state). The mention “royal calendar”, which appears in some dates in the Annals apparently indicate that the two system (Lu and Zhou) were in agreement on that particular month.
Zhu is a small state, situated some 20 km south east of Qufu. Yifu is probably a member of the ruling family of Zhu. He appears twice in the Annals, here and in 695 BC (17th year of Duke Huan). In both cases, he signs treaties with Lu, on behalf of his prince. Treaties (meng 盟) were the strongest form of alliance between feudal lords. They were usually signed during conferences/meetings (hui 會), and a sacrifice (which sometimes involved a defeated enemy) was made to concretise it. They were quite common. In the Annals, more than one hundred such treaties are mentioned, over a period of two and a half century. Mie is a city of Lu, some 50 km east of Qufu. This is the only mention of it in the Annals.
The state of Zheng was south west of Lu, and was separated from it by Song. This count of Zheng is Duke Zhuang of Zheng (鄭莊公), first name Wusheng (寤生), he reigned until 701 BC. There were several cities names Yan, or Yanling, in the Springs and Autumns. One was in Chu, another one on the border of Qi and Lu. This Yan is situated some 60 km south of modern Kaifeng, it was a city of Zheng. Duan probably led a rebellion there (hence the use of 克, unique in the annals). It is mentioned again (under the name Yanling) in the 16th year of duke Cheng (Cheng 16.6), the armies of Chu and Zheng are defeated there by Jin. In the Warring States, this city was renamed Anling and belonged to the state of Wei. Its was again called Yanling in Qin and Western Han, and belonged to the commandery of Yinchuan.
Zai (宰) is the title of most ministers of the Zhou kings. The name Heavenly King is consistently used throughout the annals to refer to the Zhou. Duke Hui (posthumous name) was the late lord of Lu, who died the year before. The name of his wife, lady Zhongzi, is the usual designation for princesses. The second character in her name (zi) is the name of her clan. From this, we can probably infer that she was a princess of Song (whose ruling clan was Zi). The first character corresponds to her rank in the family (bo 伯/meng 孟, is the first daughter, zhong 仲 the second, shu 叔 the third, and ji 季 the fourth). Thus, lady Zhongzi was probably the second daughter of a duke of Song. The ruling family of Lu belonged to the same clan as the Zhou king, and we often see the king sending presents for funerals. The Zhou king of that time was King Ping, the first Eastern Zhou king, who reigned from 770 to 720 BC.
The Annals do not record the name of the man of Song, the treaty was probably not signed with the duke or one of his princes. Su was a city 50 km north west of Qufu, on river Wen. In the eighth year of duke Yin (Yin 8.4), there is a reference to the baronet of Su. In the tenth year of duke Zhuang (Zhuang 10.3), we are told Song annexed Su (after deporting its population), but this is probably another city, as Su is not close to Song. Song was a neighbouring state of Lu, on its south east. Its capital was in Shangqiu, near the modern city of Shangqiu, in south eastern Henan. Its dukes claimed to be the descendents of the Shang emperors.
He was a prince of the royal house, whose family had a fiefdom in Ji. His title, Bo (伯), indicates that he is the oldest son of his generation.
1.7公子益師卒。Prince Yishi died
A prince of Lu, probably a son of duke Hui, and a brother of duke Yin.
Zuozhuan
1.1春 ． 王 周 正 月 ． 不 書 即 位 ．攝 也 In spring, in the first month of the Zhou royal calendar, his accession to the throne is not recorded, because he was a regent.
This, and the absence of record of the funeral of Duke Yin, seems to be the main justification of the Zuozhuan interpretation of Duke Yin as a regent.
1.2 三 月 ． 公 及 邾 儀 父 盟 于 蔑 ． 邾 子 克 也． 未 王 命 ． 故 不 書 爵 ． 曰 儀 父 ． 貴 之 也 ． 公 攝 位 ． 而 欲 求 好 於 邾 ．故 為蔑 之 盟 The third month, our lord signed a treaty in Mie with Yifu of Zhu. This is the viscount of Zhu, Ke. He had not received his title from the king, therefore his rank is not recorded, and he is called Yifu (honourable), in reverence. When the Lord became regent, he wished to share good relations with Zhu. For this reason, he signed the treaty of Mie.
The viscount of Zhu, Ke, is mentioned only once in the Annals. His death is recorded on the 16th year of duke Zhuang (676 BC). If it is the same person, he must have been a young prince, or lord, in 722. Yifu (which also appears in 695) might be a title as well, which would mean The Honourable Lord/Prince of Zhu. It is not said whether Yifu was already the ruler of Zhu at that time (we often see princes signing treaties).
1.4 初 ． 鄭 武 公 娶 于 申 ． 曰 武 姜 ． 生 莊 公 ． 及 共 叔 段 ． 莊 公 寤 生 ． 驚 姜 氏 ． 故 名 曰 寤 生 ． 遂 惡 之 ． 愛 共 叔 段 ． 欲 立 之 ． 亟 請 於 武 公 ． 公 弗 許 ． 及 莊 公 即 位 ． 為 之 請 制 ． 公 曰 ． 制 ． 巖 邑 也 ． 虢 叔 死 焉 ． 佗 邑 唯 命 ． 請 京 ． 使 居 之 ． 謂 之 京 城 大 叔 ． 祭 仲 曰 ． 都 城 過 百 雉 ． 國 之 害 也 ． 先 王 之 制 ． 大 都 不 過 參 國 之 一 ． 中 五 之 一 ． 小 九 之 一 ． 今 京 不 度 ． 非 制 也 ． 君 將 不 堪 ． 公 曰 ． 姜 氏 欲 之 ． 焉 辟 害 ． 對 曰 ． 姜 氏 何 厭 之 有 ． 不 如 早 為 之 所 ． 無 使 滋 蔓 ． 蔓 ． 難 圖 也 ． 蔓 草 猶 不 可 除 ． 況 君 之 寵 弟 乎 ． 公 曰 ． 多 行 不 義 ． 必 自 斃 ． 子 姑 待 之 ． 既 而 大 叔 命 西 鄙 北 鄙 貳 於 己 ． 公 子 呂 曰 ． 國 不 堪 貳 ． 君 將 若 之 何 ． 欲 與 大 叔 ． 臣 請 事 之 ． 若 弗 與 則 請 除 之 ． 無 生 民 心 ． 公 曰 ． 無 庸 ． 將 自 及 ． 大 叔 又 收 貳 以 為 己 邑 ． 至 于 廩 延 ． 子 封 曰 ． 可 矣 ． 厚 將 得 眾 ． 公 曰 ． 不 義 不 暱 ． 厚 將 崩 ． 大 叔 完 聚 ． 繕 甲 兵 ． 具 卒 乘 ． 將 襲 鄭 夫 人 將 啟 之 ． 公 聞 其 期 ． 曰 ． 可 矣 ． 命 子 封 帥 車 二 百 乘 以 伐 京 ． 京 叛 大 叔 段 ． 段 入 于 鄢 ． 公 伐 諸 鄢 ． 五 月 ． 辛 丑 ． 大 叔 出 奔 共 ． 書 曰 ． 鄭 伯 克 段 于 鄢 ． 段 不 弟 ． 故 不 言 弟 ． 如 二 君 ． 故 曰 克 ． 稱 鄭 伯 ． 譏 失 教 也 ． 謂 之 鄭 志 ． 不 言 出 奔 ． 難 之 也 ． 遂 寘 姜 氏 于 城 潁 ． 而 誓 之 曰 ． 不 及 黃 泉 ． 無 相 見 也 ． 既 而 悔 之 ． 潁 考 叔 為 潁 谷 封 人 ． 聞 之 ． 有 獻 於 公 ． 公 賜 之 食 ． 食 舍 肉 ． 公 問 之 ． 對 曰 ． 小 人 有 母 ． 皆 嘗 小 人 之 食 矣 ． 未 嘗 君 之 羹 ． 請 以 遺 之 ． 公 曰 ． 爾 有 母 遺 ． 繄 我 獨 無 ． 潁 考 叔 曰 ． 敢 問 何 謂 也 ． 公 語 之 故 ． 且 告 之 悔 ． 對 曰 ． 君 何 患 焉 ． 若 闕 地 及 泉 ． 隧 而 相 見 ． 其 誰 曰 不 然 ． 公 從 之 ． 公 入 而 賦 ． 大 隧 之 中 ． 其 樂 也 融 融 ． 姜 出 而 賦 ． 大 隧 之 外 ． 其 樂 也 洩 洩 ． 遂 為 母 子 如 初 ． 君 子 曰 ． 潁 考 叔 ． 純 孝 也 ． 愛 其 母 ． 施 及 莊 公 ． 詩 曰 ． 孝 子 不 匱 ． 永 錫 爾 類 ． 其 是 之 謂 乎 ．
Long before, duke Wu of Zheng had married a lady of Shen, who was called Wujiang. She gave birth to duke Zhuang and the third prince of Gong, Duan. Duke Zhuang was born with his eyes open. This frightened his mother, who called him Wusheng (born staring) and ended up disliking him. She was fond of prince Duan, whom she wanted to put on the throne. She pressed duke Wu about it, but he refused. When duke Zhuang was enthroned, she demanded the city of Zhi for Duan. The duke said : “Zhi is a dangerous city. The third prince of Guo died there. But I am ready to agree any other place.” She asked for Jing. Duan was sent to live there, and assumed the title of Great Prince of the City of Jing. The first prince of Ji remarked to the duke : “A city whose walls are more than three thousand feet long will bring harm upon the state to which it belongs. The laws of the kings of old said that the largest cities could not be larger than one third of the capital, that average towns should not exceed one fifth, and small boroughs one ninth. Yet, Jing does not respect these rules. This is unlawful, your majesty should not tolerate it. The duke replied : “This was the wish of Lady Jiang, how can this danger be avoided?” He answered: “Can Lady Jiang ever be contented? You should hasten to resolve this, and not let this vine grow. Vines are hard to weed away. Overgrown vines cannot be removed. Yet, they do not compare to my Lord’s favoured brother.” The duke said: “He often acts in wicked ways, and will surely cause his own demise. Sir, you just patiently wait.” Some time later, the Great Prince ordered all lords in the northern and western borders to pay him the same respect as the duke. Prince Lü said: “Our state cannot serve two masters. What are you intentions, my Lord? If you want to yield to the Great Prince, let us serve him alone. If you do not, get rid of him, so that no doubt is put in the heart of the people.” The duke said: “There is no need, his demise will come naturally.” Soon, the Great Prince considered that the regions he jointly ruled as his own cities, and extended his domination to Linyan. Zifeng said : “You should act. He is strong, and will conquer the multitude.” The duke replied: “He is unjust, he will not be followed, and his strength will cause his collapse.” Then, the Great Prince fortified his cities, and mobilised the people. He repaired his armors and weapons, and prepared his troops and chariots. He intended to attack the capital of Zheng by surprise, and have Lady Jiang open its doors for him. When the duke heard of his design, he said : “Now we shall act”. He ordered Zifeng to lead two hundred chariots attack Jing. The people of Jing revolted against the Great Prince Duan, who took refuge in Yan. The duke then attacked him in Yan. On day Xinchou of the fifth month, the Great Prince left the country and fled to Gong. The record just says : “the count of Zheng prevailed over Duan in Yan.” Because Duan did not behave like a brother, it does not call him a brother. Because they were like two competing lords, it uses the word prevail. He is just called Count of Zheng to blame him for his failure at teaching his brother. This is called the spirit of Zheng. It does not say Duan fled the country, because this is humiliating. After that, Lady Jiang was banned to Chengying, and the duke swore an oath, which said : “until we reach the springs under the earth (the sojourn of the dead), we will not meet again.” After some time, he regretted it. Kaoshu of Yin was in charge of the dikes of the Gorges of Ying. After hearing of this, he paid a visit to the duke, who gave a banquet for him. There, he spared some meat from his food. As the duke asked him why, he replied : “Your servant has a mother, who tastes all the food your servant eats. She never tasted your lordship’s broth, allow me to bring some back to her.” The duke said: “You still have a mother to cherish, I, alas, am now alone, without one.” Kaoshu of Ying replied: “May I ask why it is so?” The duke told him of his story, and let him know his regrets. He said: “Why should your majesty worry about this? If you have a tunnel dug, under the earth, which reaches the springs, and meet each other there. Who can say you broke your promise?” The duke followed his advice. As he entered, he sang the verses : “into this great tunnel, our happiness arises.” As Lady Jiang went out, she sang: “out of this great tunnel, our happiness vanishes.” After this, they became mother and son as before. As a wise man said: “Kaoshu of Ying was a model of filial piety. His love of his mother, he extended to duke Zhuang.” The Book of Odes said: “Your piety never fails, and will always benefit your kin.” Is it not what is told here?
1.5 秋 ． 七 月 ． 天 王 使 宰 咺 來 歸 惠 公 仲 子之 賵 ． 緩 ． 且 子 氏 未 薨 ． 故 名 ． 天 子 七 月 而 葬 ． 同 軌 畢 至 ． 諸 侯 五月 ． 同 盟 至 ． 大 夫 三 月 ． 同 位 至 ． 士 踰 月 ． 外 姻 至 ． 贈 死 不 及 尸 ． 弔 生 不 及 哀 ． 豫 凶 事 ． 非 禮 也 ．In autumn, in the seventh month, the heavenly king sent his minister, Xuan, to Lu. He offered funeral chariots for Duke Hui and Lady Zhongzi.
This came late, and Lady Zi had not died. Therefore, the minister is called by his given name. The Son of Heaven is buried seven months after his death. Everyone attends the funeral. Feudal princes are buried after five months, all their allies attend. Nobles are buried after three months, all people of the same rank attend. Gentlemen are buried after a month, their extended family attends. Presents to the deceased are given before the body is in his coffin, condolences to the living are done before the dead is lamented. Hold the funeral ceremony in advance is a lack of respect.
1.6 八 月 ． 紀 人 伐 夷 ． 夷 不 告 ． 故 不 書 ．有 蜚 ． 不 為 災 ． 亦 不 書 ． In the eighth month, the people of Ji attacked Yi. The people of Yi did not inform Lu of it, therefore they are not recorded. There were moths, but they did not cause a lot damage, so it was not recorded.
1.8 惠 公 之 季 年 ． 敗 宋 師 于 黃 ． 公 立 ． 而 求 成焉 ． 九 月 ． 及 宋 人 盟 于 宿 ． 始 通 也 In the last year of duke Hui, Lu defeated the army of Song in Huang. After the duke was enthroned, he tried to make peace with Song. In the ninth month, a treaty was signed in Su with the people of Song. Good relations were established for the first time.
1.9 冬 十 月 ． 庚 申 ． 改 葬 惠 公 ． 公 弗 臨 ．故 不 書 ． 惠 公 之 薨 也 ． 有 宋 師 ． 太 子 少 ． 葬 故 有 闕 ． 是 以 改 葬 ． In winter, on day Gengshen of the tenth month, a new funeral was made for duke Hui. The duke did not mourn, therefore it is not recorded. When duke Hui died, the army of Song was in Lu, and the crown prince was an infant. The funeral was incorrect, and a new one had to be organised.
1.10 衛 侯 來 會 葬 ． 不 見 公 ． 亦 不 書 The marquis of Wei attended the funeral, but did not visit the duke. Therefore it is not recorded.
1.11 鄭 共 叔 之 亂 ． 公 孫 滑 出 奔 衛 ． 衛 人 為 之 伐 鄭 ． 取 廩 延 ． 鄭 人 以 王 師 ． 虢 師 ． 伐 衛 南 鄙 ． 請 師 於 邾 ． 邾 子使 私 於 公 子 豫 ． 豫 請 往 ． 公 弗 許 ． 遂 行 ． 及 邾 人 ． 鄭 人 ． 盟 于 翼 ． 不書 ． 非 公 命 也 ． During the rebellion of the prince of Gong, in Zheng, prince Hua left the country and fled to Wei. On his behalf, the people of Wei attacked Zheng and took Linyan. The people of Zheng, together with the royal army and the army of Guo attacked the southern border of Wei. They asked for military help in Zhu. The viscount of Zhu conferred in secret with prince Yu, who demanded to join the campaign but the duke of Lu refused. He finally went and signed a treaty with the people of Zhu and Zheng in Yi. This is not recorded because it was not sanctioned by the Lord.
1.12 新 作 南 門 ． 不 書 ． 亦 非 公 命 也 ． The southern gate of the capital was rebuilt. This is not recorded because it was not ordered by the Lord.
1.13 十 二 月 ． 祭 伯 來 ． 非 王 命 也 In the twelfth month, when the prince of Ji came to Lu, it was not ordered bu the king.
1.14 眾 父 卒 ． 公 不 與 小 斂 ． 故 不 書 日 When Zhongfu died, the lord did not offer clothes to the deceased. Therefore the day is not recorded.
Second year 721 BC (721 January 6 - 720 January 23, leap year)
Annals
2.1二年 春，公會戎于潛。Second year. In spring, our Lord met the Rong in Qian.
Rong is a generic name for barbarians in this era. They are referenced in Qin histories (through the Shiji) and in Lu Annals, and attack the royal capital, in Luoyang, on several occasions. It seems likely that it is not the name of a specific ethnic group. Throughout the period, feudal princes sometimes attack them, sometimes ally with them. Later this year, the Lord of Lu signs a treaty with them, which shows that they were probably not uncivilised nomads. Qian is 50 km south west of Qufu, not far from the modern city of Jining, in Shandong. This is the only mention of it in the Annals.
2.2夏，五月，莒人入向。In summer, in the fifth month, the people of Ju invaded Xiang.
Ju is a small state, 200 km east of Qufu, on the southern border of Qi (a district of Ju, Juxian, still exists in Shandong). The viscount of Ju is one of the neighbours of the Lord of Lu, and therefore is often mentioned throughout the Annals. Xiang is a city 30 km south of Ju, at the southern base of the Shandong peninsula. It is mentioned on several occasions.
2.3無駭帥師入極。Wu Hai, leading our army, invaded Ji.
Wuhai is probably a general, or a prince, of Lu. He appears twice in the Annals, the second time, his death is mentionned, in 713, which hints that he might belong to the ruling house. Ji is on the border between Song and Lu, about 80 km south west of Qufu, this is the only mention of it.
2.4秋，八月庚辰，公及戎盟于唐。In autumn, in the eighth month, on day Gengchen (17), our prince signed a treaty with the Rong in Tang. (there was no day gengchen on the eighth month)
Tang is about 70 km South West of Qufu, not far from Ji. It is therefore possible that the event recorded here is linked to the previous one. The day of the treaty is mentioned, so it should have been an important affair. Another treaty with the Rong is signed in the second year of Duke Huan, also in Tang.
2.5九月，紀裂繻來逆女。In the ninth month, Liexu of Ji came to greet a bride (for his lord).
This is the first of many references to marriages between neighbouring houses. According to the Annals, the princess would first be fetched, or greeted (逆), by an envoy of her future husband (generally a prince or a high dignitary, occasionally, another princess). Then, the princess would be sent (歸) to her future state. On some important occasions, the local lord would escort (送) her to the border, where she would meet her husband. Marriage between people having the same surname was forbidden (it was considered incest), so princes had a relatively small choice of neighbouring houses from which to find their wives. In fact, throughout the era recorded in the Chunqiu, most of the wives of the Lords of Lu are princesses of Qi, and almost all others are from Song, and many wives of the lord of Qi are from Lu. This probably caused a fair amount of consanguinity in feudal houses… Ji is a small vassal state of Qi, some 30 km east of the capital of Qi, Linzi, at the northern base of the Shandong peninsula. Its rulers, who had the surname Jiang (same as the lords of Qi) are marquis. It was annexed by Qi in 690 BC. Jiexu does not appear elsewhere in the Annals, although Du Yu conjectured that he is the same person as Zibo, which appears two lines down.
2.6冬，十月，伯姬歸于紀。In winter, the tenth month, princess Boji was sent to Ji.
Consequence of the previous record. The name of the princess is typical, she was the first daughter of the Lord of Lu (whose surname was Ji).
2.7紀子帛、莒子盟于密。Zibo of Ji and the viscount of Ju signed a treaty in Mi.
The Zuozhuan adds here : “on behalf of Lu”. Du Yu considers that Zibo is the same person as Liexu (the former being his personal name 字, and the latter his given name). It could also mean Viscount Bo of Ji, but the lords of Ji are consistently referred to, in the following years, as marquis. The treaty (says Du Yu) was a way to reconcile the Lord of Lu, who was now an ally of Ji, and the viscount of Ju, who had invaded Xiang in the beginning of the year, with Zibo acting as a middleman. Hence, the “on behalf of Lu”. Zibo does not appear again in the Chunqiu. Mi is 50 km west of Ju, about 120 km east of Qufu, this is its only mention in the text.
2.8十有二月，乙卯，夫人子氏薨。In the twelfth month, on day yimao (52) (December 10), our lady, Dame Zi, died.
Furen (夫人) is the usual designation for the first spouse of a feudal prince. Although the Annals give a lot of details about first spouses (their name, their origin, their travels and formal visits), they never mention other spouses or concubines. It might be because official historians did not consider them worthy of note, or perhaps because feudal princes, in this era, had less concubines than in later years. The name, dame Zi, quotes her surname, Zi, which indicates that she was a princess of Song (I think Song was the only major state whose surname was Zi). Commentators disagree on who Dame Zi was. Du Yu and the Gongyang Zhuan consider that she was the mother of duke Yin, the spouse of duke Hui, and therefore is the same person as Lady Zhongzi who appears in 1.4. The Guliang Zhuan considers that she was the wife of duke Yin. The word 薨, hong, used here to mean « to die », is specific to feudal princes. The death of the Zhou king is always called Beng (崩, see below), which litterally means “a mountain collapsing” (the Chunqiu uses it twice in this sense). Hong is specifically (and systematically) used for the death of the lords of Lu, or their first spouse. For all other persons (including the rulers of other states), the more neutral word Zu (卒) is used. So, more than “the death of a prince”, hong means “the death of our prince”. (both Beng and Hong are probably onomatopeia, words which describe sounds, a bigger one, eg boom, for the king, a softer one, eg thump, for the prince).
2.9鄭人伐衛。The people of Zheng attacked Wei.
Wei was a state situated north of Zheng, and west of Lu. Its capital, at that time, was in Chaoge, in northern Henan, about midway between Anyang and Zhengzhou, not far from the northwards course of the Yellow River (which flowed more north than now). Later, Wei moved its capital east, to the other bank of the River, close to modern Puyang. This entry is very unspecific, but one must keep in mind that these events happen relatively far from Lu. In the early reigns of the Annals, Wei and Zheng are the most distant states mentioned (apart from the Zhou king). Chu (called Jing) only begins begin mentioned in the tenth year of Duke Zhuang (684 BC), Jin in the second year of duke Xi (658 BC) and Qin in 645 BC. For most of its length, the Springs and Autumns are a very local chronicle, which tells in a minute detail the affairs of the small and large states surrounding Qufu, but have very little detail on event happening elsewhere.
Zuozhuan
2.1 修 惠 公 之好 也 ． 戎 請 盟 ． 公 辭 ． He was continuing the good relations established by duke Hui. The Rongs offered to sign a treaty, but the Lord refused.
2.2 莒 子 娶 于 向 ． 向 姜 不 安 莒 而 歸 ． 夏 ．莒 人 入 向 ． 以 姜 氏 還 ．The viscount of Ju had married a lady of Xiang. But Lady Jiang of Xiang was not happy in Ju, and returned home. In summer, the people of Jiu invaded Xiang, to bring Lady Jiang back.
2.3 司 空 無 駭 入 極 ． 費 庈 父 勝 之 ． Our minister, Wu Hai, invaded Ji. Qinfu of Fei defeated him.
2.4 戎 請 盟 ． 秋 ． 盟 于 唐 ． 復 修 戎 好 也 ． The Rongs wanted to sign a treaty. It was signed in autumn, in Tang, and maintained the good relations established by duke Hui.
2.5 九 月 ． 紀 裂 繻 來 逆 女 ． 卿 為 君 逆 也 ．In the ninth month, Liexu of Ji came to greet a bride. He was a minister, demanding a wife for his lord.
2.6 冬 紀 子 帛 ． 莒 子 ． 盟 于 密 ． 魯 故 也 ． In winter, Zibo of Ji and the viscount of Ju signed a treaty in Mi, because of Lu.
2.7 鄭 人 伐 衛 討 公 孫 滑 之 亂 也 ． The people of Zheng attacked Wei, to suppress a rebellion caused by prince Hua.
Third year – 720 BC (720 January 24 – 719 January 12, common year)
3.1三年春，王二月己巳，日有食之。Third year. In spring, in the second month of the royal calendar, on day Jisi (6) (February 22), the sun was eclipsed.
37 eclipses are recorded in the Annals. 32 of them (including this one) can be found back through mathematical calculations (something the ancients could not do). For 31 of them, the day is accurately recorded, which indicates that it was probably noted at the moment of the observation (it was quite impossible to trace it back later). Eclipses are about the only astronomical phenomena recorded in the Annals, and about half of the eclipses which actually were visible in Lu in this era are found in the chronicle. Interestingly, the two most spectacular eclipses in the era (which could not be missed) are unreported. This suggests that astronomical (and astrological) phenomena were less important in ancient China than in other cultures, a fact which might explain the frequent drifts of the calendar in the first half of the Annals, which resulted from an incorrect determination of the date of the winter solstice. This eclipse is dated on the second month of the royal (ie Zhou) calendar, which confirms (together with other eclipse and date information) the theory that the royal court still used the so-called Shang calendar (where the year begins on the first new moon after the solstice) at this time. The so-called Zhou calendar, where the year begins one moon earlier, apparently was first used in the middle of the seventh century, and last until the advent of the Qin dynasty (when the new year started one month earlier).
3.2三月，庚戌，天王崩。On the third month, on day Gengxu (47) (April 4), the heavenly king passed away.
Tian Wang (heavenly king) is the normal way to refer to the Zhou king, in the Chunqiu. It is used 25 times. Comparatively, the expression Son of Heavens (Tianzi) is only used twice. Later commentaries, such as the Zuozhuan, use Son of Heaven more liberally. The Zhou king was king Ping, the first king of the eastern Zhou (reigned 770-720). Whereas the given names of feudal princes (except the lords of Lu) are often stated upon their death (see the duke of Song, three entries below), the first name of the king, or of the Lord of Lu, are never written in the Chunqiu. They probably were considered taboo. Interestingly, the funeral of King Ping is not mentioned in the Annals. More precisely, twelve kings died during the period covered by the Chunqiu. Five of them have both their death and funeral recorded. For four of them (including this one), only the death is recorded. Three others are not even mentioned. This is all the more curious as the princes of Lu belonged to the royal clan (Ji).
3.3夏，四月辛卯，君氏卒。In summer, in the fourth month, on day Xinmao (28) (May 15), our Lord’s Mother died.
Commentators disagree on this passage. The Zuozhuan states she is a princess of Song, a lower rank spouse of duke Hui, and the birth mother of duke Yin. It then embarks on a moral explanation why Zu (and not Hong is used), and why her surname is not indicated. Yang Bojun observes that the Zuozhuan explanation is not convincincg, and suggests that the word Jun (君) here might be a contraction of 小君, the usual way to refer to the wifes of lords in the Annals. So this could be an expression like The Lady, or the Princess, which both indicates her status (mother of the lord) but avoids usurping the title of Dame Zhongzi. On the other hand, both the Gongyang and Guliang make her a man, which they call Lord Yin (尹氏), who would be a high dignitary (possibly a blood prince) of the royal court. I follow Yang’s explanation, which I think is more logical (why mention some obscure Zhou dignitary), and is more consistent with the use of Shi as Lady throughout this part of the text.
This passage is just as obscure as the previous one. And gave rise to a flourish of moral explanation in the Gongyang and Guliang (both written more than half a millenium after the event, so not necessarily well informed either), and in the (even later) commentaries to the Rites of Zhou. I chose to translate Wushi as Lady Wu, for the sake of consistency with the usage of Shi in the Annals. Yet, many commentators think she might be a he, a dignitary who did not want to come in person, and sent his son instead. The general opinion of commentators was that the Lord of Lu, for some unknown reason, refused to send presents for the funeral (some say to even attend the funeral, which is not reported in the Annals). The Zhou court therefore had to dispatch someone to demand them. But one may wonder whether this is not a case of over interpretation of one obscure sentence (hardly a unusual case in such moral commentaries). This is the only time in the entire chronicle where the word Fu (賻), which denotes presents made on a funeral, is used, so we hardly know, from this text, what the custom was, and whether demanding them was a peculiar event (which is, together with the fact that the funeral is unreported, not an uncommon case either in the Annals, is the main thesis of commentators). Anyway, I assume that lady Wu was one of the late king’s wives, and the her son was a prince of Zhou, but this is pure guesswork.
3.5八月庚辰，宋公和卒。In the eighth month, on day Gengchen (17) (September 1), the duke of Song, He, died.
He is his given name. The Annals traditionally mention it at the death of other princes. Note the order of the words “Song duke He”. This is probably the way lords were referred to during their lifetime. In the Shiji, Sima Qian uses a similar formula to refer to the First Emperor, when he still was king of Qin : Qin King Zheng (zheng being his given name). As opposed to most rulers, for which the term duke was used as a term of respect during their lifetime (eg the lord of Lu), or after their death (duke Yin of Lu), the lords of Song were dukes (gong). As He is a foreign prince, his death is called zu (卒), not Hong (薨) as for the lords or ladies of Lu.
3.6冬，十有二月，齊侯、鄭伯盟于石門。In winter, in the twelfth month, the marquis of Qi and the count of Zheng signed a treaty in Shimen.
Foreign princes are usually called by their actual rank. Whereas the lord of Lu (who was a marquis) is always called gong (duke), the lords of Qi and Zheng are called marquis and count. When several princes attend a conference, sign a treaty or go to war, the order in which their names are written in the Annals seem to follow a definite order. For instance, Qi is always before Zheng. The order is not exactly that of the ranks, for instance, the marquis of Qi is always named before the duke of Song, who comes before the count of Zheng. I tend to think that the order of precedence partly resulted of the alliances between these houses and the house of Lu. Shimen (litterally the door of stone) was a place, probably a ford, on the Yellow River, some 75 km north west of Qufu, in modern Shandong. It was on the border of Qi and Wei. This is the only mention of it in the whole work.
3.7癸未，葬宋穆公。On day Guiwei (20) (January 2), duke Mu of Song was buried.
Duke Mu is his posthumous name. The Annals mention it only on the date of funerals. The funeral of princes tend to happen four months after their death (in the majority of cases recorded in the Annals). But this can greatly vary, with some lords buried on the month following their death, and others buried almost a year after.
Zuozhuan
3.1 春 ． 王 三 月 ． 壬 戌 ． 平 王 崩． 赴 以 庚 戌 ． 故 書 之 ． King Ping passed aways in spring, on day renxu (59) of the third month of the royal calendar (April 16). But it was reported that he died on day Gengxu, hence the record.
3.2 夏 ． 君 氏 卒 ． 聲 子 也 ． 不 赴 於 諸 侯 ．不 反 哭 于 寢 ． 不 祔 于 姑 ． 故 不 曰 薨 ． 不 稱 夫 人 ． 故 不 言葬 ． 不 書 姓 ． 為 公 故 ． 曰 君 氏 ． In summer, our Lord’s Mother died. That was Lady Shengzi. Her death was not announced to other feudal princes, there were no mourning visits to her appartments, she was not sacrificed to in the room of the ancestor’s mother. Therefore, the text does not say “hong” (to pass), and doesn’t call her Furen (our Lady). Her burial is not mentioned, and her name is not recorded, because of the duke, and she is just called Junshi (the princess).
3.3 鄭 武 公 ． 莊 公 ． 為 平 王 卿 士 ． 王 貳 于 虢 ． 鄭 伯 怨 王 ． 王 曰 ． 無 之 ． 故 周 鄭 交 質 ． 王 子 狐 為 質 於 鄭 ． 鄭 公子 忽 為 質 於 周 ． 王 崩 ． 周 人 將 畀 虢 公 政 ． 四 月 ． 鄭 祭 足 帥 師 取 溫 之 麥． 秋 ． 又 取 成 周 之 禾 ． 周 鄭 交 惡 ． 君 子 曰 ． 信 不 由 中 ． 質 無 益 也 ． 明 恕 而 行 ． 要 之 以 禮 ． 雖 無 有 質 ． 誰 能 間 之 ． 苟 有 明 信 ． 澗 ． 谿 ． 沼 ．沚 ． 之 毛 ． 蘋 ． 蘩 ． 薀 ． 藻 ． 之 菜 ． 筐 ． 筥 ． 錡 ． 釜 ． 之 ． 器 ． 潢 汙． 行 潦 ． 之 水 ． 可 薦 於 鬼 神 ． 可 羞 於 王 公 ． 而 況 君 子 結 二 國 之 信 ． 行 之 以 禮 ． 又 焉 用 質 ． 風 有 采 繁 ． 采 蘋 ． 雅 有 行 葦 ． 泂 酌 ． 昭 忠 信 也 ． Duke Wu and duke Zhuang of Zheng served as ministers of king Ping. When the king intended to split his charge with the prince of Guo, the count of Zheng was unhappy about it. But the king said he would not, and, therefore, Zhou and Zheng exchanged hostages. Royal Prince Hu of Zhou served as a hostage in Zheng, and prince Hu of Zheng was a hostage in Zhou. When the king died, the people of Zhou soon entrusted the government to the duke of Guo. In the fourth month, Jizu of Zheng led an army harvest away the wheat in Wen. In autumn, he also seized the harvests in Chengzhou, and the relations between Zhou and Zheng became bad. Wise men have said : “When trust does not come from the heart, there is no advantage to exchange hostages. When people are clearly generous, and behave in this way, when their alliances are concluded as precribed by rites, even though no hostages are exchanged, who could one make them disagree? If loyalty is clear, all herbs in mountain streams and valleys, in ponds and islets, all plants, whether marsilea, armoise, hippuris or algae, square and round bamboo baskets, and pots and with legs or without legs, and dormant and murky water, or the rain water which flows along paths, all can be offered to spirits, and served to kings and princes. All the more when lords and princes weave loyalty between two states, and behave as the rites mandate. What is the need for hostages, then? In the Book of Odes, there are two Feng named Picking Armoise and picking marsilea, and two Yas named floating on reeds, and faraway brook, which all emphasize loyalty and trust.
3.4 武 氏 子 來 求 賻 ． 王 未 葬 也 ． When the son of lady Wu came to demand funeral presents, the king was not buried yet.
3.5 宋 穆 公 疾 ． 召 大 司 馬 孔 父 而 屬 殤 公 焉． 曰 ． 先 君 舍 與 夷 而 立 寡 人 ． 寡 人 弗 敢 忘 ． 若 以 大 夫 之 靈 ． 得 保 首 領 以 沒 ． 先 君 若 問 與 夷 ． 其 將 何 辭 以 對 ． 請 子 奉 之 ． 以 主 社 稷 ． 寡 人雖 死 ． 亦 無 悔 焉 ． 對 曰 ． 群 臣 願 奉 馮 也 ． 公 曰 ． 不 可 ． 先 君 以 寡 人 為 賢 ． 使 主 社 稷 ． 若 棄 德 不 讓 ． 是 廢 先 君 之 舉 也 ． 豈 曰 能 賢 ． 光 昭 先 君 之 令 德 ． 可 不 務 乎 ． 吾 子 其 無 廢 先 君 之 功 ． 使 公 子 馮 出 居 於 鄭 ． 八 月． 庚 辰 ． 宋 穆 公 卒 ． 殤 公 即 位 ． 君 子 曰 ． 宋 宣 公 可 謂 知 人 矣 ． 立 穆 公． 其 子 饗 之 ． 命 以 義 夫 ． 商 頌 曰 ． 殷 受 命 咸 宜 ． 百 祿 是 荷 ． 其 是 之 謂 乎 ． ○ When Duke Mu of Song fell ill, he summoned his minister of war, Kong Fu, and entrusted him with the care of prince Shang. He said: “Our late lord left Yuyi aside, and put me on the throne. I dare not forget this. If, thanks to your great influence, I have managed to keep my head on my neck when I die, when our late lord asks me about Yuyi, what will I answer him? I pray you put him on the throne, and have him preside the sacrifice to the gods of soil and cereals. Even though I will be dead, I will not have regrets.” Kong Fu replied: “But your many vassals wish to enthrone Feng.” The duke answered: “They shall not. Our late lord held me for a wise person, he had me preside the sacrifice to soil and cereals. Should I be ungrateful and not yield the throne, I would prove unworthy of the distinction our late lord bestowed on me. Can this be called wise? And can I not strive to make the great virtue of our late lord shine over the state? Let you and I not dismiss the deeds of our late Lord.” He then sent prince Feng live in Zheng. On day Gengchen of the eighth month, duke Mu of Song died, and duke Shang was enthroned. Wise men have said: “Duke Xuan of Song was a perfect man indeed. He put duke Mu on the throne, his son accepted it, and his order proved righteous! The Odes of Shang have : “Yin received the Mandate, that was quite fitting, and he received all gifts.” Doesn’t this apply here?”
3.6 冬 齊 鄭 盟 于 石 門 ． 尋 盧 之 盟 也 ． 庚 戌． 鄭 伯 之 車 僨 于 濟 ． ○ In winter, Qi and Zheng signed a treaty in Shimen, which renewed the treaty of Lu. On day Gengxu, the chariot of the count of Zheng fell in the river Ji.
3.7 衛 莊 公 娶 于 齊 東 宮 得 臣 之 妹 ． 曰 莊 姜． 美 而 無 子 ． 衛 人 所 為 賦 碩 人 也 ． 又 娶 于 陳 ． 曰 厲 媯 ． 生 孝 伯 ． 早 死 ． 其 娣 戴 媯 ． 生 桓 公 ． 莊 姜 以 為 己 子 ． 公 子 州 吁 ． 嬖 人 之 子 也 ． 有 寵 而 好 兵 ． 公 弗 禁 ． 莊 姜 惡 之 ． 石 碏 諫 曰 ． 臣 聞 愛 子 ． 教 之 以 義 方 ．弗 納 于 邪 ． 驕 奢 淫 泆 ． 所 自 邪 也 ． 四 者 之 來 ． 寵 祿 過 也 ． 將 立 州 吁 ．乃 定 之 矣 ． 若 猶 未 也 ． 階 之 為 禍 ． 夫 寵 而 不 驕 ． 驕 而 能 降 ． 降 而 不 憾． 憾 而 能 眕 者 ． 鮮 矣 ． 且 夫 賤 妨 貴 ． 少 陵 長 ． 遠 間 親 ． 新 間 舊 ． 小 加 大 ． 淫 破 義 ． 所 謂 六 逆 也 ． 君 義 ． 臣 行 ． 父 慈 ． 子 孝 ． 兄 愛 ． 弟 敬 ．所 謂 六 順 也 ． 去 順 效 逆 ． 所 以 速 禍 也 ． 君 人 者 ． 將 禍 是 務 去 ． 而 速 之． 無 乃 不 可 乎 ． 弗 聽 ． 其 子 厚 與 州 吁 游 ． 禁 之 不 可 ． 桓 公 立 ． 乃 老 ． Duke Zhuang of Wei had married a young sister of the prince of the eastern palace (ie the crown prince) of Qi, Dechen. She was called Lady Zhuangjiang, was beautiful, but had no son. The people of Wei made for her the poem “great woman”. The prince then took another wife in Chen, who was called Lady Ligui. She gave birth to Xiaobo, but died young. Her younger sister, Lady Daigui, gave birth to duke Huan, which Lady Zhuangjiang treated as he own son. Prince Zhouxu was the son of a favourite. He enjoyed the favour of the prince, and liked weapons. The duke never forbid him anything, and lady Zhuanjiang hate him. Shique made criticism to the prince, saying: “Your servant was told that the most favoured sons should yet be taught in righteous ways, and not be let become crooked. Pride, extravagance, excesses and disorders, these are the causes of corruption. When these four appear, favours and advantages become errors. If you intend to put Zhouxu on the throne, you should correct him now, while he is not you heir yet. Else, it will gradually turn to catastrophe. Now, very few people can be favoured, and remain not proud, or be proud and still able to submit, or submit, yet not hate, or hate, yet remain calm. In fact, the lowly will try to harm the noble, the younger will try to take the place of the older, the distant family will try to divide the close parents, the new friend will try to divide the old ones, the small will try to stand over the great, and corruption will attempt to bring down righteousness. These are called the six oppositions. When lords are righteous, subjects behave, fathers are caring and sons are pious, elder are loving, and younger are respectful. These are called the six agreements. Abandoning agreement, and yielding to opposition, is courting catastrophe. A good lord should strive to avoid catastrophe. Courting it, can this be tolerated?” But the duke did not listen. And when his own son, Hou, began taking part in Zhouxu’s depravations, he could not prevent it. When duke Huan was enthroned, he was already old.
Fourth Year – 719 BC (719 January 13 – 718 January 2, common year)
Annals
4.1 四年春，王二月，莒人伐杞，取牟、婁。Fourth year. In spring, the second month of the royal calendar, the people of Ju attacked Qy. They took Mou and Lou.
4.2 戊申，衛州吁弒其君完。On day Wushen (45) (March 28? Third month?), Zhouxu of Wei killed his lord, Wan.
4.3 夏，公及宋公遇于清。In summer, our lord and the duke of Song saw each other in Qing.
4.4 宋公、陳侯、蔡人、衛人伐鄭。The duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, people of Cai and people of Wey attacked Zheng.
4.5 秋，翚帥師會宋公、陳侯、蔡人、衛人伐鄭。In autumn, Hui , leading an army, joined forces with the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen and people of Cai and Wei, and attacked Zheng.
4.6 九月，衛人殺州吁于濮。In the ninth month, people of Wei killed Zhouxu in Pu.
4.7 冬，十有二月，衛人立晉。In winter, in the twelfth month, people of Wei established Jin.
Zuozhuan
4.1 四年，春，衛州吁弒桓公而立。In the fourth year, in spring, Zhouxu of Wey killed duke Huan and took the throne (for himself).
The Annals, which are contemporary of the fact, call the Lord of Wey by his given name. The Zuozhuan, written long after, use the posthumous name (duke Huan), given to him after his funeral.
4.2公與宋公為會，將尋宿之盟。未及期，衛人來告亂。夏，公及宋公遇于清。The Lord (of Lu) and the duke of Song had a meeting and were about to renew the treaty of Su. But before the time (of the pact) had come, a messenger came from Wey and informed them of the troubles. In summer, the Lord and the duke of Song saw each other in Qing.
4.3宋殤公之即位也，公子馮出奔鄭。鄭人欲納之。及衛州吁立，將修先君之怨於鄭，而求寵於諸侯，以和其民。使告於宋曰：「君若伐鄭，以除君害，君為主，敝邑以賦與陳、蔡從，則衛國之愿也。」宋人許之。於是陳、蔡方睦於衛，故宋公、陳侯、蔡人、衛人伐鄭，圍其東門，五日而還。公問於眾仲曰：「衛州吁其成乎？」對曰：「臣聞以德和民，不聞以亂。以亂，猶治絲而棼之也。夫州吁，阻兵而安忍。阻兵，無眾；安忍，無親。眾叛、親離，難以濟矣。夫兵，猶火也；弗戢，將自焚也。夫州吁弒其君，而虐用其民，於是乎不務令德，而欲以亂成，必不免矣。」When duke Shang of Song had seized the throne, prince Feng had left the country and fled to Zheng. The people of Zheng intended to invite him. After Zhouxu of Wey was crowned, he wanted to continue the enmity of his predecessor towards Zheng, and
（傳四·四）秋，諸侯復伐鄭。宋公使來乞師，公辭之。羽父請以師會之，公弗許。固請而行。故書曰「翚帥師」，疾之也。諸侯之師敗鄭徒兵，取其禾而還。
（傳四·五）州吁未能和其民，厚問定君於石子。石子曰：「王覲為可。」曰：「何以得覲？」曰：「陳桓公方有寵於王。陳、衛方睦，若朝陳使請，必可得也。」厚從州吁如陳。。石碏使告于陳曰：「衛國褊小，老夫耄矣，無能為也。此二人者，實弒寡君，敢即圖之。」陳人執之，而請蒞于衛。九月，衛人使右宰醜蒞殺州吁于濮。石碏使其宰獳羊肩蒞殺石厚于陳。君子曰：「石碏，純臣也。惡州吁而厚與焉。『大義滅親』，其是之謂乎！」
（傳四·六）衛人逆公子晉于邢。冬，十二月，宣公即位。書曰「衛人立晉」，眾也。
Fifth year – 718 BC (718 January 3 – 717 January 20, leap year)
（經五·一）五年春，公矢魚于棠。Fifth year, in spring, our prince made preparations to go fishing in Tang
（經五·二）夏，四月，葬衛桓公。In summer, the fourth month, Duke Huan of Wei was buried.
（經五·三）秋，衛師入郕。In autumn, the army of Wei invaded Cheng.
（經五·四）九月，考仲子之宮。初獻六羽。In the ninth month, the funeral temple of Princess Zhongzi was built. For the first time, six rows of pantomimes were displayed.
（經五·五）邾人、鄭人伐宋。The people of Zhu and Zheng attacked Song.
（經五·六）螟。We were plagued by insects.
（經五·七）冬，十有二月辛巳 (18)，公子彄卒。In winter, on day Xinsi (18) of the twelfth month (December 21), prince Kou died.
（經五·八）宋人伐鄭，圍長葛。The people of Song attacked Zheng, and lay siege on Changge.
Sixth year – 717 BC (717 January 21 – 716 January 8, common year)
（經六·一）六年春，鄭人來渝平。Sixth year, in spring, people of Zheng came suing for peace.
（經六·二）夏，五月辛酉，公會齊侯盟于艾。In summer, on day Xinyou (58) of the fifth month (May 29), our prince conferred with the marquis of Qi, and made a treaty in Ai.
（經六·三）秋，七月。In autumn, the seventh month.
（經六·四）冬，宋人取長葛。In winter, the people of Song took Changge.
Seventh year – 716 BC (716 January 9 – 715 January 27, leap year)
（經七·一）七年春，王三月，叔姬歸于紀。The seventh year, in spring, in the third month of the royal calendar, Princess Shuji was sent to Ji (to marry its prince).
（經七·二）滕侯卒。The marquis of Teng died.
（經七·三）夏，城中丘。In summer, we fortified Zhongqiu.
（經七·四）齊侯使其弟年來聘。The marquis of Qi sent his younger brother, Nian, on an embassy.
（經七·五）秋，公伐邾。In autumn, our lord attacked Zhu.
（經七·六）冬，天王使凡伯來聘。戎伐凡伯于楚丘以歸。In winter, the heavenly king sent the duke of Fan on an embassy. The Rongs attacked him in Chuqiu, and brought him back with them.
Eighth year – 715 BC (715 January 28 – 714 January 16, common year)
（經八·一）八年春，宋公、衛侯遇于垂。Eight year, in spring, the duke of Song and the marquis of Wei met in Chui.
（經八·二）三月，鄭伯使宛來歸祊。庚寅，我入祊。The third month, the count of Zheng sent Wan come offer us Beng. On day Gengyin (27) (April 18), we entered Beng.
（經八·三）夏，六月己亥，蔡侯考父卒。In summer, on day Jihai (36) of the sixth month (June 26), the marquis of Cai, Kaofu, died.
（經八·四）辛亥，宿男卒。On day Xinhai (48) (July 8), the baronet of Su died.
（經八·五）秋，七月庚午，宋公、齊侯、衛侯盟于瓦屋。In autumn, on day Gengwu (7) of the seventh month (July 27), the duke of Song, the marquis of Qi and the marquis of Wei signed a treaty in Wawu.
（經八·六）八月，葬蔡宣公。In the eighth month, duke Xuan of Cai was buried.
（經八·七）九月辛卯，公及莒人盟于浮來。On day Xinmao (28) of the ninth month (October 16), our lord and the people of Ju signed a treaty in Fulai.
（經八·八）螟。We we plagued by insects.
（經八·九）冬，十有二月，無駭卒。In winter, in the twelfth month, Wuhai died.
Ninth year -714 BC (714 January 17 – 713 February 4, leap year)
（經九·一）九年春，天子使南季來聘。Ninth year, in spring, the Son of Heaven sent Nanju on an embassy.
（經九·二）三月癸酉，大雨，震電。庚辰，大雨雪。On day Guiyou (10) of the third month (March 27), there was great rain, with thunder and lightning. On day Gengchen (17), there was great rain and snow. (April 3)
（經九·三）挾卒。Jia died.
（經九·四）夏，城郎。In summer, we fortified Lang .
（經九·五）秋，七月。In autumn, the seventh month.
（經九·六）冬，公會齊侯于防。In winter, our lord met the marquis of Qi in Fang.
Tenth year - 713 BC (713 February 5 – 712 January 24, common year)
（經十·一）十年春，王二月，公會齊侯、鄭伯于中丘。Tenth year, in spring, on the second month of the royal calendar, our lord conferred with the marquis of Qi and the count of Zheng in Zhongqiu.
（經十·二）夏，翚帥師會齊人、鄭人伐宋。In summer, Hui, leading and army, joined forces with the people of Qi and Zheng to attack Song.
（經十·三）六月壬戌，公敗宋師于菅。辛未，取郜。辛巳，取防。On day Renxu (59) of the sixth month (July 8), our lord defeated the army of Song in Jian. On day Xinwei (8) (July 17), he took Gao. On day Xinsi (18) (July 27), he took Fang.
（經十·四）秋，宋人、衛人入鄭。宋人、蔡人、衛人伐戴。鄭伯伐取之。In autumn, the people of Song and Wei entered Zheng. The people of Song, of Cai and of Wei attacked Dai. The count of Zheng assaulted it and took it.
（經十·五）冬，十月壬午，齊人、鄭人入郕。In winter, on day Renwu (19) of the tenth month (November 25), the people of Qi and Zheng entered Cheng.
Eleventh year – 712 BC (712 January 25 – 711 January 14, common year)
（經十一·一）十有一年春，滕侯、薛侯來朝。Eleventh year, in spring, the marquis of Teng and the marquis of Xie came to the audiences of our court.
（經十一·二）夏，公會鄭伯于時來。In summer, our lord conferred with the count of Zheng in Shilai.
（經十一·三）秋，七月壬午，公及齊侯、鄭伯入許。In autumn, on day renwu (19) of the seventh month (July 23), our lord, together with the marquis of Qi and the count of Zheng, entered Xu.
（經十一·四）冬，十有一月壬辰，公薨。In winter, on day Renchen (29) of the eleventh month (November 30), our lord passed away.
